Don Rumsfeld famously described the distinction between the things we know and the unknown unknowns; these are the things we don't know we don't know. As Teresa Heinz-Kerry prepared to address the Democratic convention in Boston on July 27, Rumsfeld's words came closer than they ever had to making sense. Not only was my quiet dread of Heinz-Kerry's campaign presence off base, I actually came away from her speech believing that she could be the key to a Kerry win in November.
Heinz-Kerry's speech was a knock-on-wood moment, even for a scripted affair like a national convention. Just days before, the would-be first lady had informed a reporter that he could take his inquiry and "shove it." Worse still, the reporter's question appeared to be fairly straightforward. And it was caught on camera. And she didn't appear to care that anybody saw it. Howard Dean fried for less.
As it turned out, Mrs. Kerry was able to establish ownership of her gaffe in a way Dean never did. She immediately diffused the tension in the room by re-framing her attitude as opinion, not arrogance. The audience seemed to relax, not cringe, when Heinz-Kerry announced, "it should come as no surprise to anyone that I have something to say."
What followed was an ideal introductory speech that seemed to set the tone for Teresa Kerry's personal campaign. Heinz-Kerry, born in Mozambique, described herself as a world citizen, a mother, a champion of equality and a women's advocate. Of course, she also stumped for her husband, but the speech was remarkable because her story, not his, made it compelling.
The address was delivered without the polish or practice of a professional politician, but the message bore the marks of conviction. From her experience with apartheid to her status as an immigrant, Heinz-Kerry was able to tie her convention message to her life story. The speech was a bull's eye for a woman who intends to energize the Democratic base.
Heinz-Kerry's potential impact on was evident from the moment the speech ended. MSNBC's conservative commentator Joe Scarborough had an allergic reaction to the address, so it must have been good. For all the talk about big tents, swing voters and bipartisanship, this election will be decided by the energy of the parties' respective bases. High voter turnout can deflate poll predictions and turn blue and red states into purple. A motivated base can make high turnout happen, but it can also spread its enthusiasm into the ranks of the undecided.
The Democrats need to pay particularly close attention to their base this year. They must address the concerns of a black community that feels taken for granted, a Latino community whose political allegiance is more fluid than the Dems would like to think and a youth community that is still trying to recapture the excitement that Dean for America took to the grave.
If Heinz-Kerry's convention speech is representative of the message she will take on the campaign trail, then the Democrats have a tremendous advantage. Unlike the relatively inert Laura Bush, Heinz-Kerry isn't afraid to be a bulldog for her husband. The same vocal tendencies that once made Heinz-Kerry appear to be a liability may provide a campaign force for which the Republicans have no direct equivalent.
The official Bush-Cheney 2004 website portrays Laura Bush as a kind of national mommy. Moms are great, but it is clear that the Bush campaign has already decided to make Laura's below-the-radar presence a permanent fixture of the campaign. Laura's personal background is in early childhood development and education. Heinz-Kerry is an immigrant who speaks five languages, administers numerous philanthropic organizations and has been the recipient of 10 honorary degrees. She was also tapped by the Republican Party to replace her first husband, Sen. John Heinz, R-Penn., when he died in a 1991 plane crash. Clearly, she can speak from a depth of experience that Laura cannot match.
Although conventional wisdom seems to indicate that Heinz-Kerry is a choice target for right-wing darts, she appears to be less vulnerable than initial appearances. Her wealth, which derives from her first husband's Heinz food fortune, places her in the elite social strata that seems to run the gauntlet of campaign rhetoric every four years. Ketchup jokes aside, the Bush campaign is in no position to claim blue-collar moral authority. The Bush family's fortune seems equally obscene from a $35,000-per-year perspective.
Heinz-Kerry's party affiliation has changed in recent years, but she has a long track record of support for groups that are philosophically aligned with the Democrats. As the 1998 Pennsylvania AFL-CIO "citizen of the year," Heinz-Kerry already possesses credibility in the eyes of labor.
As far as gaffes are concerned, Heinz-Kerry probably doesn't have much to worry about. Bush-Cheney 2000 survived its share of active microphones. Dick Cheney's recent antics in the U.S. Senate will keep the political soap fresh in his mouth for some time to come.
If John Kerry is elected president in November, the 2004 Democratic convention may be remembered as the moment when John Kerry's campaign established its strategic edge. Despite the presence of rising stars, stalwarts and former presidents, Heinz-Kerry was the speaker who knew the candidate best, and she is the best vehicle for delivering the distinctive personality that countless testimonials have failed to impart to the campaign.
