For all the talk of weapons of mass destruction, political regimes, oil and military technology, the success of the U.S.'s proposed regime change in Iraq will depend upon ideology the most. Further, the ability to mold the correct ideology will shape international relations for decades to come. The Bush administration has thrown all the cards on the table -- not only for future elections but for future diplomacy. During this time of political and economic globalization, the administration must be wary that failure in Iraq might have serious ramifications on international relations. Rarely has an administration risked so much on such an uncertain cause.
The U.S.'s interdiction in Iraq represents an opportunity to set the standard for successful ideological reform. This is a new era of foreign affairs. Gone is the traditional battle of good versus evil, when extending our influence did not carry with it a stain of imperialistic greed. In its place is a new foreign policy -- the spreading of liberty and democracy -- where insurrection is based on ideological conflicts but reeks of material undertones. The United States, as self-proclaimed moderator of foreign affairs, has embraced its role as chief policeman of political philosophy. The world, incrementally, must be rid of fascism, dictatorships and communism -- anything that isn't a democracy or republic. This is our burden and obligation; Iraq is our crash test dummy.
Our success in Iraq will depend not only on the creation of better governance, but also on our ability to change the Iraqi people's perception of the society in which they live. Beyond the overdue ousting of Saddam Hussein from power, the United States must convince the Iraqi people to adopt basic, fundamental liberal principles: empowerment of women, media independence and freedom of speech and dissent. In order to accomplish this we must make it clear that our intervention is for the Iraqi people -- not for Iraqi oil. Furthermore, we must develop stable institutions to prevent the possibility of future oppression and corruption. Oppressive regimes will not stop with just the removal of Saddam.
Furthermore, U.S. forces must leave the country within a short time frame. Until the Iraqi people are allowed to govern themselves -- until they feel empowered -- they will never have the incentive for progressive reform. Drastic philosophical changes such as these exude potential disaster.
This laundry list of hopeful scenarios relies on the Iraqi people embracing the new sociopolitical structure, a difficult undertaking. The Bush administration has made promises of liberty, democracy and an improved economy to citizens of Iraq once they are freed from Saddam's bondage. This is a dangerous mirage to paint. In order to guarantee these outcomes there must be a reformed Iraqi nationalism. The people of Iraq, as a byproduct of the globalization process, have been portrayed in a shunned and secondary status. Viewed primarily as an underdeveloped country and secondarily as a provider of an essential resource, the Iraqi citizens harbor resentment towards the world -- especially the fat cats of the United States.
In this age of globalized democracy, Iraqis must no longer feel like part of the problem, but rather an example of the solution. They must believe that their successful incorporation of democracy will provide them with the regional status Saddam had once promised. They must buy into the image as the Pied Piper of a democratizing Islamic world -- the gate-openers of a progressive movement. If this happens, underdeveloped nations will begin to find promise in political reform, which they previously only saw in weapons development. If ever there was a test of new foreign policy it is Iraq 2003.
The Bush administration has done a poor job enlisting allies to help us with this task. Its rejection of many other international causes -- the Kyoto Accords and arms reduction programs to name a few -- have left us relatively partner-less as we call on global support. Iraq is our burden, our agenda and duty. Our success will make the world believers. The reformation of Arab states -- beginning with Iraq -- depends as much upon cultural empowerment as it does on physical empowerment. If we fail, then ideological friction will persist and foreign policy will be forever redefined.
