Vocal New York Republican Gov. George Pataki last week unleashed what may be an unnerving harbinger for President-Elect George W. Bush and his mantra of a bipartisanship for the new millennium in America.
In a news conference announcing Pataki's new state Department of Motor Vehicles Commissioner, the New York Times reported that a journalist asked Pataki's pick, Raymond Martinez, if he had ever been ticketed for speeding or drunk driving.
Martinez replied, "Yes, I have a [driving while intoxicated violation] from 1989 and also a speeding ticket from 1997."
To which Pataki remarked: "I guess that qualifies you to be President of the United States then."
Though this may be simply an isolated public guffaw (think: Adam Clymer), one cannot help but to remember other recent Republican comments from conservatives such as Senate Minority (until Jan. 20) Leader Trent Lott of Mississippi, who wished to remind Democrat New York Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton that she would be "one of a 100" in the Senate (Lott later apologized for the comment).
And on the same day a group of House moderates announced a new as yet unnamed coalition, the conservative House Majority Whip Tom Delay of Texas promoted his all-or-nothing politics, saying, "The Republican Party is the majority party of the country ... The things we have been dreaming about, we can now do."
The prediction by some that Democrats will take back the majority in Congress in 2002 may prompt a few Democrats to be uncompromising as well; they may choose to wait out two years
If Bush cannot garner the full support of his own party, and prominent Republicans in Congress find it hard to work with Democrats, getting enough of a conciliatory balance of opinion to achieve any real headway before the next elections may prove a difficult task for the new president.
A Senate Like No Other
The Senate may face the toughest bipartisan challenge in the next years, with 50 Democrats and 50 Republicans going head to head for the next two years.
One to watch: Democratic Sen. Tom Daschle of South Dakota may set the tone for the near future or even the next two years in the 17 days he will serve as Senate Majority Leader.
New senators were sworn in yesterday, making the party ratio 50-50, but Bush and Senate tiebreaker Vice President-elect Cheney will not take office until Jan. 20, leaving outgoing Vice President Al Gore to tip the scales in the Democrat's favor.
On the other hand, over 150 members of Congress are members of one moderate group or another such as the House or Senate New Democrat Coalitions, the Senate Centrist Coalition, the House Republicans' 'Tuesday Group' or the House Democrats' 'Blue Dog Coalition.'
Recognizable senators such as Republicans Susan Collins of Maine and Jim Jeffords of Vermont and Democrats John Breaux of Louisiana, Joe Lieberman of Connecticut and Debbie Stabenow of Michigan are considered moderates and could have large roles in whether Bush achieves his goals. Bush's record in Texas in forging a bi-partisan coalition could help him cement a similar deal in Washington.
Still, there may be some obstacles here. Lieberman will not be the second highest ranking official in the country per Bush's win, and Stabenow -- along with environmental groups -- is likely not excited that Bush chose former Sen. Spencer Abraham, whom she defeated narrowly for her seat this year, to be his secretary of energy.
Also, Breaux turned down a position in Bush's cabinet, presumably because of pressure from Democrats wanting to keep the Senate's 50-50 ratio so their power-sharing plan can be considered.
Considering Congress has 535 voting members, only about a third of which are involved in the so-called 'mod squads,' there may not be enough support to definitively to make a difference to help Bush's bipartisan movement.
Additionally, when Daschle approached Lott after the election about possible bipartisan power-sharing between committee chairs, which now are held by the majority party, Lott did not appear rapt with the idea. The next couple weeks could be very interesting in the Senate with Daschle in charge.
The Money Issue
Another possible problem: Bush has vowed not to compromise his proposed $1.3 trillion tax cut and has continued to pessimistically portray the future of the U.S. economy. Some Democrats, such as President Bill Clinton's chief economic adviser Gene Sperling, are criticizing Bush for his assessment of the economy.
"The next president and his team should not be talking down our economy and potentially hurting confidence just to gain short-term political positioning," Sperling said in December.
Daschle also attacked Bush and Republicans: "They've been looking for a reason to do a tax cut for a long time ... They may have seized upon the best one yet. This certainly add fuels to the fire."
If Bush completely loses the support of the much-respected Daschle, who has said he hopes to work for bipartisanship as well -- and Daschle pulls some fast ones on Lott before Jan. 20 -- Bush may find the flames on the partisan divide too high to cross.
Some Republicans, too, are cautious to rally behind Bush's tax cut package, instead promoting a piecemeal agenda that initially would push the more popular estate and marriage tax provisions and hold off on the overall income tax cut until the future of the economy is clearer.
The Associated Press reported on Christmas Eve that House Speaker Dennis Hastert of Illinois, said he wanted to work on the package "a piece at a time" and spoke of incrementalism, unusual for a leader of a party coming to power across the board.
Bush's tax plan would reduce all income taxes, cut the marriage penalty tax paid by many two-income couples, repeal estate taxes and double the current $500 per-child tax credit, in addition to other things.
If Bush goes full force with his tax cut package, the situation could devolve into a controversial mess on both sides of the political gamut, much like the Clinton calamity with gays in the military that received criticized from both the left and the right.
However, the slowing down of the economy could be happening at just the right time for Bush. Democrats aren't ignoring this slowdown of the economy. Powerful House Minority Leader Dick Gephardt of Missouri, probably one of the most well known congressional Democrats, yesterday on the "Today" show said he thinks a bigger tax cut than Democrats have suggested is necessary because "the recession is looming," although there is no consensus on that notion. But, he still thinks Bush's cut is too big and wants the cut to go primarily to middle class families.
"I think we can work out a compromise where everybody gets some of what they want," Gephardt said.
The Open Cabinet
One thing Bush definitely has going for him is his Cabinet. He has refined the word "diverse" with his selections while also carefully playing politics. He nominated six white men, two white women, two African-American men, one Asian-American man, one Arab-American man, a Hispanic man and a Hispanic woman -- a hodgepodge of corporate executives, governors, veterans of previous Cabinets and defeated senators.
Of the 14 nominations, Bush chose one Democrat -- Norman Mineta, commerce secretary under Clinton, for transportation secretary. Bush would probably have chosen more Democrats, though, had the 50-50 Senate and power-sharing not been an issue.
Linda Chavez, Bush's nominee for secretary of labor, is under fire from powerful labor groups such as the AFL-CIO. John Sweeney, president of AFL-CIO, said Chavez is an "insult to American working men and women." Chavez, a former union member, ran the U.S. Civil Rights Commission under President Ronald Reagan. Labor, which supported Gore, is a volatile Democratic assembly that could block the Bush agenda through its vocal congressional support.
Also, a stentorian Democrat, the Rev. Jesse Jackson, never one to stay out of the news, said he will fight to the death the appointment of defeated Republican Sen. John Ashcroft of Missouri for Attorney General. (Ashcroft lost in November to a dead governor named Mel Carnahan, whose wife Jean will take the post for him.)
It Never Stops
And one last, but definitely not least, problem: 2004. 2004. 2004. Some people still question whether Bush actually won the 2000 election, and his presidency will no doubt be hampered by this controversy. The presidency will not be like the campaign debates, where not erring proved enough to assuage diminutive expectations of his debating skills.
If the next two years are not particularly exceptional, Bush could face the same type of problem his father did in the primaries of 1992. Sen. John McCain of Arizona appears poised to present a formidable challenge in 2004, having raised around $1 million after losing the Republican primary to Bush this past year. Gary Bauer has threatened to come back again in 2004 with his conservative agenda, especially if Bush works too closely with Democrats and moves too near the center.
Also, with the 2000 election ending so close, and Gore actually winning the popular vote, if Bush is to survive the primary in 2004, he will have to contend will one of several potentially heavyweight Democratic candidates such as Gephardt, former Sen. Bill Bradley of New Jersey or Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts.
