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The Dartmouth
May 10, 2024 | Latest Issue
The Dartmouth

The Bear and the Olive Branch

Despite the "lobster summit" held in Maine between Presidents Bush and Putin this past summer, no agreement was reached with Russia regarding the U.S.-proposed missile defense shield to be built in Poland and the Czech Republic. Putin has offered a joint program to be built in Azerbaijan on the Caspian Sea. Additionally, Putin has threatened to pull out of a Cold War era disarmament treaty, the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty, if the United States proceeds with its unilateral plans. Ironically, it was the United States' unilateral pullout of the Antiballistic Missile Treaty, in order to build the missile defense shield, that prompted this "crisis" and subsequent warning. (Thank you, Mr. Bush.)

Alas, this warning came to fruition, with Putin giving theUnited States and NATO official notice in mid-July of its renunciation of any obligation under the treaty. However, the pullout does not take place for 150 days beginning July 14, giving the United States ample time to negotiate. Instead, the country has been squandering the opportunity, going so far as to continue testing antiballistic missiles.

Convincing Russia that our interests are aligned is a U.S. imperative. We must do so because Putin is not an ideologue, but rather a statesman of the old school. Putin's worldview of strict realpolitik seeks to gain political advantage at all costs. For leaders like Putin, power trumps greed; in other words, political stability and power are more important than economic affairs. The implications of his realpolitik can be used to the mutual advantage of the United States and Russia.

We must understand Putin because without the correct approach to engagement, we cannot help steer him and Russia back to a democratic path. Unfortunately, Russia, under the yoke of Putin, continues to erode its own democracy and democratic values. Pro-democratic NGOs have been eradicated; Russian media has been all but nationalized; 50 percent of news must be "positive;" Gazprom, the state-run and -owned gas giant, has gobbled up most of the privately-run oil industry; and the state has imprisoned a former oil-tycoon-turned-political opponent. Putin himself has been accused of ordering personal assassinations. The litany continues.

But there is hope for reconciliation. Stability remains Putin's paramount objective; growing influence paradoxically requires a base of stability. Therefore we have the opportunity to persuade Russia that its most important interest is aligned with ours, motivating the country to be more cooperative on the issues in conflict. Stability is the key to open the last compartment of Pandora's box: Hope. Hope for a more democratic, peaceful and prosperous tomorrow and for better U.S.-Russia relations. This key begins with an olive branch.

The most significant opportunity lies in measures to provide common stability. Mutual goals such as dealing with Islamic Fundamentalism -- the war for hearts and minds as well as the one fought with guns -- are a top priority. Perhaps the best method to align the interests of our two countries on the issue of terrorism and nuclear proliferation is to cooperate in building the missile defense shield in Eastern Europe.

Admittedly, Putin's proposal is fraught with many hurdles and controversy. But it is an olive branch, and its goal is clear and shared by both nations. According to a June New York Times article, "the proposed system [is] designed to guard against a missile attack from Iran." Despite Russia's entrenched economic interests in Iran -- and its acknowledgment of aiding Iran's civilian nuclear ambitions -- neither Russia nor the United States will tolerate an Iranian nuclear bomb.

That fact explains Putin's attempt to work with the United States on the missile defense shield. Critics of such cooperation point to Russia's initial response to this missile defense shield last summer: a threat to aim missiles at Europe. But this merely underscores the importance of working fervently with the Russians to fashion the project in a way that works for both countries.

If we are going to build the shield, we must build it with Russia by our side. This is but the first of many steps of a much-needed rapprochement. Because Putin's worldview is not anti-Western but pro-Russian, there are many issues on which we hold common ground. Reducing greenhouse gas emissions and reversing climate change, eliminating the menace that is Kim Jong Il, and most importantly, defending against the imminent probability of an Iranian nuclear bomb all require global alignment of interest and action.

So let's hash out the details. Get a deal done. If we do not, the Bear will continue to rumble -- its democratic values eroding still further.