George W. Bush believes that America's security is dependent upon the stability and democratic integrity with which other countries govern themselves. He is not wrong. However, I propose that he extend this doctrine not only to our friends (and our enemies) in the Islamic world, but also to our strategic "allies": Russia and China. I ask not that they be exactly like us -- I do not share Bush's unreflective assurance in the infallibility and perfection of the American system. I merely ask that they faithfully accept the universal doctrines of freedom, democracy and respect for human life. Currently, China's progress is stagnant, and Russia is backtracking.
There is a problem, however: America is losing the moral high ground. Peter Beinart, editor-at-large of The New Republic, writes, "Almost six decades ago, Americans for Democratic Action was born, in the words of its first national director, to wage a 'two-front fight for democracy, both at home and abroad,' recognizing that the two were ultimately indivisible," (New York Times, "The Rehabilitation of the Cold-War Liberal," April 30, 2006). We must reinvigorate this two-front battle for democracy and freedom. I cringe at the thought that we hypocritically call on others to abide by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, while we, ourselves, err. Abu Ghraib, Guantnamo Bay, extraordinary rendition, secret CIA flights: We are losing the moral high ground.
I do not overstate my case: We are not Russia or China. We do not have a system predicated upon rampant abuse like Russia or China. We have a good, democratic system -- albeit a fallible system that is falling short of the ideals it espouses. There is a difference. We can -- and we must -- ask more of our allies. But we must also ask more of ourselves.
China refuses to cooperate in the struggle against nuclear proliferation. China is far and away the single greatest trade partner with North Korea, yet it refuses to wield this economic muscle to bring Kim Jong Il back to the table. In contrast, due to the fact that China is financing our ballooning debt, we lack this same economic muscle in our dealings with China. China's obsession with its skyrocketing energy needs has left it hesitant to support the United States and Europe's strong line on the nuclear crisis in Iran -- a country whose president has called for the eradication of Israel. China has even jailed a New York Times researcher on trumped up charges of "revealing state secrets" only to lift the charges prior to President Hu's state visit to the United States. The researcher remains in prison.
During President Hu's state visit to the United States, President Bush presented him with a list of human rights cases -- the same list he had presented to him in the past -- only to be summarily rejected. Bush did not press the matter.
America's own trespasses have weakened both its ability and its resolve to be the stalwart of democracy and freedom in the world.
Russia is little better. It, too, refuses to cooperate on Iran, corrupted by its economic interests. President Putin has orchestrated a crackdown on democratic institutions: the illegalization of many NGOs, the increasingly statist economy and press under the reigns of ex-KGB operatives, the jailing of the political opposition.
Russia has also attempted to wield its oil and pipeline infrastructure to intimidate its neighbors; it threatened to cut off oil supplies to Ukraine if it did not step in line. Only American and European pressure prompted Russia to back down. It is this sort of pressure that I believe we must incessantly exert -- not only in instances of energy security, but also in support of democracy and human rights. Putin's high profile economic advisor quit in protest of the government's recent curbs on freedom. He compared Putin's Russia to Iran, Angola and Venezuela. I only wish that we could have stood up and agreed.
But we cannot. We do not. Russia conducts its war against Muslim terrorists in Chechnya utilizing illegal tactics similar to our own. And we lack the moral authority or tenacity to condemn them.
China and Russia are reluctant to accept our advice; indeed, they are recalcitrant. We are too cowardly to offer it with any backbone. I acknowledge that we cannot force them to accept democracy. Democracy, by definition, is self-rule; thus to impose democracy on another is a self-defeating paradox -- Look at Iraq. Rather, we must seek to provide Russia and China -- and the rest of the world -- with a model they can emulate. And we must constantly nudge them onto the right path.
The solution is two-fold: We must practice what we preach, and we must preach what we practice. America is simultaneously selling itself short and overstepping its bounds. We cannot call on others to do that which we are unwilling to do ourselves. Before we can influence others, we must make allowances and acknowledge our mistakes. Peter Beinart writes, "The irony of American exceptionalism is that by acknowledging our common fallibility, we inspire the world," (New York Times, "The Rehabilitation of the Cold-War Liberal," April 30, 2006).
Until we cease extraordinary rendition, close up the doors of Guantnamo, grant habeus corpus to all of our citizens, and apologize for Abu Ghraib -- really apologize -- our calls for democracy and freedom will fall on deaf ears in the East.
America is not the "city upon the hill"; we too have the capacity for evil. However, we can be, and have been in the past, the model for liberty and justice. And that is why I say we must also preach what we practice.
We are still the most powerful voice for democracy in the world; we must use this voice. This is a call for real action rooted in humble idealism. It is a call for morality and national security; we are safe when others are free. This is a call for a two-front fight.
