It seems that the farther one gets from the West Bank, the more muted the reaction becomes to the humanitarian offenses against the Palestinian people. In the Middle East and across Europe tensions are high; diplomatic and economic ties to Israel have been questioned or cut, protests have drawn hundreds of thousands to cities from Berlin, Germany, to Khartoum, Sudan. In contrast, here on the other side of the Atlantic there is little desire to change the status quo of huge United States military aid to Israel and the mere support of more negotiations; Colin Powell has been the latest to run head-on at the brick wall of negotiators while the U.S. donation to Israel of tanks and attack helicopters terrified Palestinians.
Here in Hanover we've been limited to many practical discussions and a few angry columns. Most people will tell you that they remain decidedly neutral and confused; you'll get the classic "both sides are culpable; I think both sides just need to work seriously for peace."
All true. But it is time for more than that. This is why dozens of Dartmouth students have organized a protest for today, to rally for the human rights of Palestinians. The protest will take place in front of Collis starting at noon and will feature student, faculty and community speakers. These student organizers demand that the disinterested guise of impartiality must end in the face of such a humanitarian crisis; the U.S. is clearly Israel's best friend and is implicated in any humanitarian offenses that occur. It is time now for harsh condemnation of humanitarian violations on both sides and time for all our governments to stick out their heads and develop a peace plan that fearlessly shakes the status quo in a determined effort to go beyond encouraging dialogue. It is time for our governments to offer solutions and consequences for not accepting those solutions.
Blame has proven a useless term in the last few months; while I condemn suicide bombers as terrorists and hold Yasser Arafat personally responsible for terrorism, such accusations merely lead to the morass of endless payback. We need to find a way to be against suicide bombers but also against the Israeli reaction and associated humanitarian violations. The useful mask of condemning suicide bombers has shielded us from being implicated in a dire humanitarian situation.
In May of 2000, the World Bank declared that Palestinians were among the three poorest populations on earth. Since that time, their poverty rate has tripled. Palestinians live in some of the most miserable conditions anywhere. In the Gaza Strip, which has the world's highest population density, they are described as living like sardines in a can.
In the past year, Israel has built 34 new settlements in the occupied territories and has moved 10,000 Jewish settlers into ethnically segregated housing structures in the middle of Palestinian land. The building of settlements on occupied land is a "war crime" according to the Fourth Geneva Convention. In March 2002, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency documented that the Israeli army, funded by $2 billion of annual U.S. military aid, had demolished 1,800 Palestinian homes, making thousands of innocent people homeless. In this recent military offensive the Israeli army cut off food, water and electricity to entire Palestinian cities, placing their civilian population under siege. Reports indicate that without clean water, families resorted to drinking sewage water. In the recent invasion of the Jenin refugee camp, Israeli soldiers have admitted to using Palestinian civilians as human shields.
With this situation in mind, I am outraged that my government is the largest diplomatic and economic supporter of Israel. I am outraged that my government thinks that it is enough to ask politely Ariel Sharon to follow its wishes and then smiles meekly when he ignores those wishes. After 18 months of failed efforts, we should see that the bilateral negotiation of a "cease fire leading to further negotiations" is futile.
This is frustrating because, barring few questions, we already know the only way that this war is ever going to end: the only possible final settlement will closely follow the blueprint of the Napa, Egypt, negotiations of Jan. 2001. We know that there will be two states, including a demilitarized Palestinian one, roughly with the borders of 1967; there will be the right of return of Palestinian refugees to the new Palestinian state (but only minimally to Israel); there will be compensation for both Israeli settlers and Palestinian refugees who lose, or have lost, their homes in the process. On both sides fanatics hijack the negotiations, seeing some mirage of a compromise where they can have everything their hearts' desire. A majority of both Israelis and Palestinians would choose peace, if only it could be offered sincerely.
It can. Our anger at humanitarian violations, suicide bombers and refugees should be used to demand that our governments make it happen. The international community, including the United States, European Union and the Middle Eastern states must draft a proposal following the above-mentioned solution and attach a date to it. This proposal must have enough sticks and carrots attached: diplomatic recognition of Israel by all countries present at the Arab summit at Beirut, an offer of U.N.-armed peacekeeping troops to defend ruthlessly the new border, generous compensation for both Israeli settlers leaving and Palestinian refugees who elect not to return, and most importantly, clear penalties for either side that does not comply, including an end to foreign military and development aid and ultimately, if necessary, economic sanctions.
Mr. Bush is afraid to do this because, as his father learned in 1992, certain pro-Israel factions are friends he doesn't want to lose. Therein lies the point of protest; we must find a voice in our governments to demand the development and implementation the peace plan that has been waiting in the wings since 1967. This voice can simultaneously condemn violence on both sides. It is clear now that the fanatics in power on both sides cannot negotiate their way to a solution; it is time to create one from outside so that those who want peace can choose it.
